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Introduction
Some have suggested that President Nixon was a psychological wreck by the time he reached the White House. Undoubtedly his paranoia—which led to Watergate and his resignation—were fueled by some early devastating experiences.
In both 1952 and 1956, strong movements arose to dump Richard Nixon from the number two spot on the national Republican ticket.
In 1960 Nixon lost the presidency in a very close vote, with many observers saying his personal appearance during the televised debate had lost the election for him. Two years later the voters of his own state rejected him for governor, leading Nixon to tell reporters he hoped they were happy: "You won't have Dick Nixon to kick around any more."
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In 1972 liberal Americans, and especially doves, urged their fellow Americans to "Dump Nixon." Over the following two years an growing number of Americans urged that the president be dumped through impeachment proceedings.
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Certainly these public rejections and humiliations fed Nixon's belief that he was surrounded by his enemies, leading him to develop an enemies list, and to create a climate in which his aides would carry out a burglary upon the Democratic enemy headquarters.
1952 Events
In the fall of 1952 political reporters broke the story that Senator Nixon had enjoyed the use of a secret slush fund of some $18,000, contributed by wealthy donors who expected to receive special political favors from Nixon. Eisenhower was furious, since he had been railing against corruption in the Truman administration. Ike called Nixon and clearly hinted that he would accept Nixon's resignation from the ticket. Nixon, though, took his case directly to the American people in the now famous "Checkers" speech—a speech that undoubtedly saved his political career.
My Fellow Americans, I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice-presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity have been questioned.... I have a theory that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight.
....Some of you will say and rightly, "Well, what did you use the fund for, Senator? Why did you have to have it?"
Do you think when a Senator makes political broadcasts or political television broadcasts, that the expense of these broadcasts should be charged to the taxpayers? Well, I know what your answer is. The same answer that audiences always give me whenever I discuss this particular problem. The answer is "no." The taxpayers shouldn't be required to finance items which are not official business but which are primarily political business.
But then the question arises, you say, "Well, how do you pay for these [items and expenses] and how can you do it legally?"
And there are several ways that it can be done, incidentally, and that is done legally in the United States Senate and in the Congress.
The first way is to be a rich man. I don't happen to be a rich man so I couldn't use that.
Another way that is used is to put your wife on the payroll. Let me say, incidentally, my opponent, my opposite number for the Vice-presidency on the Democratic ticket, does have his wife on the payroll. And has had her on his payroll for the ten years—the past ten years....
I was born in 1913. Our family was one of modest circumstances and most of my early life was spent in a store out in East Whittier. It was a grocery store—One of those family enterprises. The only reason we were able to make it go was because my mother and dad had five boys and we all worked in the store.
I worked my way through college and to a great extent through law school....
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[The candidate then declares he will list for his audience everything he and his wife own.]
First of all, we've got a house in Washington which cost $41,000 and on which we owe $20,000.
We have a house in Whittier, California, which cost $13,000 and on which we owe $10,000. My folks are living there at the present time.
I have just $4,000 in life insurance, plus my G.I. policy which I've never been able to convert and which will run out in two years. I have no life insurance whatever on Pat. I have no life insurance on our two youngsters, Patrician and Julie. I own a 1950 Oldsmobile car. We have our furniture. We have no stocks or bonds of any type. We have no interest of any kind, direct or indirect, in any business....
Well, that's about it. That's what we have and that's what we owe. It isn't very much but Pat and I have the satisfaction that every dime that we've got is honestly ours. I should say this—that Pat doesn't have a mink coat. But she does have a respectable Republican cloth coat. And I always tell her that she'd look good in anything.
One other thing I probably should tell you because if I don't they'll probably be saying this about me too, we did get something—a gift—after the election. A man down in Texas heard Pat on the radio mention the fact that our two youngsters would like to have a dog. And, believe it or not, the day before we left on this campaign trip we got a message from Union Station in Baltimore saying they had a package for us. We went down to get it. You know what it was?
It was a little cocker spaniel dog in a crate that he sent all the way from Texas. Black and white spotted. And our little girl—Trisha, the six-year-old—named it Checkers. And you know, the kids love that dog and I just want to say this right now, that regardless of what they say about it, we're gonna keep it....
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And now, finally, I know that you wonder whether or not I am going to stay on the Republican ticket or resign.
Let me say this: I don't believe that I ought to quit because I'm not a quitter. And incidentally, Pat's not a quitter. After all, her name was Patricia Ryan and she was born on St. Patrick's Day, and you know the Irish never quit.
But the decision, my friends, is not mine. I would do nothing that would harm the possibilities of Dwight Eisenhower to become president of the United States. And for that reason I am submitting to the Republican National Committee tonight the decision which it is theirs to make.
Let them decide whether my position on this ticket will help or hurt. And I am going to ask you to help them decide. Wire and write the Republican National Committee whether you think I should stay on or whether I should get off. And whatever their decision is, I will abide by it.
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Eisenhower did not immediately endorse his running mate, but an avalanche of letters convinced the Republican National Committee—and Eisenhower himself—that Nixon must not be dumped from the 1952 ticket. Nixon